Since the bosses cannot do ______profit, workers have an edge. A. with B. forC. but D. wit

ebration, held in New York City in 1882.Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named Peter J. McGuire.A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners (UBCJ).Approaching the City’s Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud “the industrial spirit – the great vital force of every nation”.On September 5 his suggestion born fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses’ warnings, left work to march from Union Square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street.The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.

The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers’ respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger.In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor.Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of “progress and poverty.” In a society in which factory, owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feelings ran high.Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press.With socialist demanding an end to “wage slavery” and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues dynamite, middle-of-the-roaders like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison.One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages.

6.Judging from the passage, McGuire was ().

A.a moderate labor leader

B.an extreme anarchist in the labor movement

C.a devoted socialist fighting against exploitation of man by man

D.a firm anti-capitalist demanding the elimination of wage slavery

7.We can see from the first paragraph that the first Labor Day march ().

A.immediately won nationwide support

B.involved workers from 30 states

C.was opposed by many factory owners

D.was organized by the UBCJ

8.Which of the following is the key factor in the immediate approval of Labor Day as a national holiday？（）

A.The lawmakers’ respect for the workers

B.The workers’ determination to have a holiday of their own

C.The socialists’ demands for thorough reform

D.The politicians’ fear of the workers’ anger

9.We learn from the passage that the establishment of Labor Day ().

A.was accepted by most bosses as a compromise

B.marked a turning point in the workers’ struggle for more rights

C.indicated the improvement of the workers’ welfare

D.signaled the end of “wage slavery”

10.McGuire proposed Labor Day in order to ().

A.draw people’s attention to the striking contrast between the rich and the poor

B.make prominent the important role of the working class in society

C.win for the workers the right to shorter working hours

D.expose the exploitation of the workers by their bosses

If you can’t put forward an immediate solution，at least suggest how to approach the problem. People who frequently present problems without solutions to their bosses may soon find they can’t get past

tion, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish-American labor leader named Peter J. MeGuire. A carpenter by trade, McGuire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners(UBCJ). Approaching the City's Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud the industrial spirit- "the great vital force of every nation, "On September 5 his suggestion bore fruit ,as an estimated 10, 000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings, left work to march from Union Square up Fifth Avenue to the 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.

The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of" progress and poverty. "In a society, in which factory owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti-capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to" wage slavery" and anarchists singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite, middle of-the-roarers like Samuel Gompers and McGuire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: a one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages.

Judging from the passage, McGuire was ______.

A．a moderate labor leader

B．an extreme-anarchist in the labor movement

C．a devoted socialist fighting against exploitation of man by man

D．a firm anti-capitalist demanding the elimination of wage slavery

ation, held in New York City in 1882. Its promoter was an Irish - American labor leader named Peter J. Mcgurie. A carpenter by trade, Mcguire had worked since the age of eleven, and in 1882 was president of the United Brotherhood of Carpenters and Joiners(UBCJ). Approaching the City' s Central Labor Union that summer, he proposed a holiday that would applaud(~)"the industrial spirit--the great vital force of every nation," On September 5th his suggestion bore fruit, as an estimated 10,000 workers, many of them ignoring their bosses' warnings ,left work to march from Union square up Fifth Avenue to 42nd Street. The event gained national attention, and by 1893 thirty states had made Labor Day an annual holiday.

The quick adoption of the scheme may have indicated less about the state lawmakers' respect for working people than about a fear of risking their anger. In the 1880s the United States was a land sharply divided between the immensely wealthy and the very poor. Henry George was accurate in describing the era as one of "progress and poverty." In a society in which factory owners rode in private Pullmans while ten-year-olds slaved in the mines, strong anti - capitalist feeling ran high. Demands for fundamental change were common throughout the labor press. With socialists demanding an end to "wage, slavery" and anarchists(无政府主义)singing the praises of the virtues of dynamite(炸药), middle -of- the roaders like Samuel. Gompers and Mcguire seemed attractively mild by comparison. One can imagine practical capitalists seeing Labor Day as a bargain: A one-day party certainly cost them less than paying their workers decent wages.

Judging from the passage Mcgnire was ______.

A．a moderate labor leader

B．an extreme -anarchist in the labor movement

C．a devoted socialist fighting against exploitation of man by man

D．a firm anti - capitalist demanding the elimination of wage slavery

The Bosses Speak

John Stuart is an executive recruitment specialist who has turned to writing. The result is this book, based on interviews with twenty Chief Executives.

Each top manager--none of them famous names, surprisingly--is given a short chapter, and there is some introductory material and a conclusion. This means you can jump from one person to another, in any order, which is good for people who are too busy to read a book form. cover to cover. For a management book it isn't expensive, although whether it's good value for money is doubtful.

Some of the twenty interviewees started their own businesses, while others joined a company and fairly new in their position, and others have had years of experience, though, strangely, Stuart doesn't seem interested in these differences. The interviewees work in everything, from retailing to airlines to software, and it is this variety that forms the main theme of Stuart's book.

I have to say that Stuart's approach annoys me. He rarely stays at a distacne from his interviewees, who are mostly presented in their own, positive words. If this were always the case, at least you would know where you were. But he seems to dislike certain interviewees. As a result, I don't know whether to accept any of his opinions.

It also means that the book gives no clear lessons. At the very least, I expected to learn what makes a successful Chief Executive. But these people seem to share two types of qualities. Some of them are very common, suggesting that anyone can be equally successful, which is definitely not the case. And the other qualities are ones which most successful bosses I've seen definitely do not have. So in the end I'm no wiser about what really goes on.

Perhaps I'm being unfair. As long as you don't think about whether you'd like them as friends, and pay no attention to most of the advice they give, the most readable parts are where the bosses describle their route to their present position.

Stuart seems to think that his book would be useful for people aiming for the top, and that it might even make a few want to start their own company; but, in fact, what they could learn here is very limited Seen as light business reading for a doctor or teacher, though, this book would provide some good entertainment.

The reviewer suggests that one advantage of the book is that ______ .

A．it is better value than other management books.

B．it does not need to be read right through.

C．it is about well-known people.

A.Though

B.Until

C.Since

s tip was seventeenth-century underworld slang for “give” ———as in “Tip me your money or your life. ” Opponents of tipping will probably prefer this explanation, since it suggests the practice as originally a form. of robbery. A less reputable, but nonetheless charming explanation is that in Renaissance(文艺复兴) coffeehouses, boxes were set near the door, into which customers could drop money: These boxes, according to the story, bore the legend “To Insure Promptitude, ” which was ultimately shortened to TIP. Whether it was a serving woman or a boss with his or her eye on depressing wages who first thought up the idea, the story does not say.

Tipping became common in England by the middle of the eighteenth century. Because it is ill-suited to a country without an established servant class, it did not catch on in America until after the Civil War, when former slaveholders suddenly found themselves having to pay the help and when new-rich industrialists adopted the European fashion. By the turn of the century, we had made the custom our own, and the American “big tipper ” was on his way.

Today, although the lines between bribery(贿赂) and thanks for services remain as vague as ever, tipping has become universal, not least because, in an increasingly uncertain economy, it provides the growing service class with income that is at least as reliable as wages and that is less subject to tax review.

Not surprisingly, government officials as among the few die-hards who still question the tipping system. They have a point too. Tippers ’ International Association estimates that U.S. workers get about $5 billion a year in tips.

In the seventeenth century, tip was probably a word used by_____.

A.lawbreakers

B.customers

C.waitresses

D.coffeehouse bosses

Tipping did not become popular in U.S. until after the Civil War because______.A.the country was free of a servant class

B.former slaveholders did not want to pay the help

C.northern industrialists refused to adopt the European fashion

D.tipping was contradictory to the American custom

Tipping is universally accepted mainly because_______.A.it is an easy way to make money

B.it ensures people a good and prompt service

C.it enables the service class to be free from taxes

D.it supplies the service class with a sort of reliable income

Which of the following words can best describe the government officials ’ attitudes towards the tipping system？A.Positive.

B.Negative.

C.Doubtful.

D.Indifferent.

The passage is about_______.A.the origin of tipping

B.the practice of tipping in U.S

C.the popularity of tipping

D.the shaping of the tipping system

请帮忙给出每个问题的正确答案和分析，谢谢！

es ago？

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A.lest

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D.so that